Politics

The Legal Case Against WikiLeaks

degree should that even matter? And then there are the third party financial intermediaries: Visa, Mastercard and Paypal have practically tripped over each other accommodating government requests to prevent their customers from donating to WikiLeaks. And finally there are WikiLeaks’ vigilantes, collectively known to the media as Anonymous, some of whom have taken down, by denial-of-service attacks, the websites of Wikileaks’ adversaries, including the aforementioned financial groups, Joe Lieberman, Swiss bank Post Finance, and Assange’s Swedish prosecutors.

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Arm Chair Assassins

Igarashi, was stabbed to death.  Later that month the Italian language translator, Ettore Capriolo, was stabbed and seriously injured.  The Norwegian publisher, William Nygaard, narrowly escaped an attempted assassination in 1993.  And on July 2nd of that year, an angry mob surrounded a hotel in Sivas, Turkey where Aziz Nesin, the Turkish language translator, was attending a conference celebrating a 16th century poet; learning of his presence, the mob set fire to the hotel.  Thirty-seven people died.  Nesin escaped the fire, though he was set upon by firemen and seriously beaten. Now, some of the same people and publications who have decried the fatwa as barbaric, and who have defended Rushdie in the name of democracy, tolerance, and freedom, are calling for the murder of WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange.

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A Living Memoriam: Charles Rangel

Charles Rangel used to be my Congressman. I was born and raised in the Bronx and attended John F. Kennedy High School, which is located in the borough’s southwestern corner, a neighborhood called Marble Hill.  Once 1970.  Powell himself was a living monument, a larger than life character who had outmaneuvered Tammany Hall to become the first African American to represent New York State in Congress, and only the second in America since the end of Reconstruction (1877).  When Rangel bested him, it was in the shadow of a corruption scandal.  Once an important trailblazer, Powell had devolved into a slacker who spent most of his time in the Caribbean, and an embezzler who, among other things, funneled Congressional money to his third wife through a no-show job while she was living in Puerto Rico.  In light of such scandals, the House voted not to seat Powell in 1969.  He sued and eventually won in the United States Supreme Court; Powell might be a crook, the Court ruled in Powell v. McCormack, but Congress had no right to refuse seating a duly elected official.

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The Permanent Under Class – Part II

offered middle class wages to semi-skilled and sometimes unskilled workers.  And many white collar workers had little or no college education, instead having worked their way up the bureaucratic chain or from more skilled industrial positions.  A college education was an available avenue for success, but hardly a necessity.  Indeed, the great expansion of American colleges and universities was a post-WWII phenomenon, and the widespread opportunity for accessible and affordable college educations first became available on a large scale to Baby Boomers, not their predecessors (the GI Bill aside).  Even today, only about one-quarter of American adults hold a Bachelor’s degree from a four-year college.

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The Permanent Under Class – Part I

became scarce.  Wages also suffered as unskilled and semi-skilled laborers were easily replaced and had little bargaining power.  Thus, while the new industrial economy transformed natural resources into finished products and created a vast, national wealth the likes of which had never been seen before, that money was distributed very inequitably.  Fortunes aggregated into the coffers of the few while the masses increasingly slogged through poverty. At the same time, however, there also appeared a new, urban middle class, a cadre of professional managers. 

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The Not Very Evil Axis of Center-Right Moderates

the economic side, Reagan cut taxes but also raised spending, particularly on the military, and federal deficits skyrocketed.  On the political side, he grew the size of government instead of shrinking it.  On the social side, he made very few moves to dismantle the social welfare systems put in place under FDR and LBJ.  And on the cultural front, he talked a good game, but the man who had signed California’s liberal abortion law while governor, and who himself rarely attended church, was more than happy to tell the Christian Right what they wanted to hear and tally their votes while actually giving them very little in return beyond attention and political legitimacy.

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Reading Leaves: The Tea Party in the Eyes of History, Part II

Third party movements in America have generally come about during times of great social and economic stress. Typically, they have begun as social protest movements, coalesced into political movements, and eventually formed into parties.  They have also often met their demise after failed presidential bids, while their issues were diluted and partially co-opted by the major parties. Three notable examples of this are the American (“Know Nothing”) Party of the 1850s, which arose in reaction to foreign immigration and relentless urbanization; the National Labor Union and accompanying National Labor Reform Party of the 1860s, whose constituency was workers caught in the exploitative grind of the industrial revolution; and the People’s (“Populist”) Party of the 1890s, which emerged as farmers were thrust into the modern market economy. There is a common pattern to the history of all three that today’s Tea Party movement may yet be in the midst of following, at least to some extent.

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